(Townsend, 1993) Defines
poverty as being unable to partake in society because of a lack of resources
available to you. Meaning participation or consumption are dependent on
financial resources and affordability of them. However, it is still possible to
be in poverty with financial support.
A lack of participation in decision
making or a violation of human dignity are just examples of non-material
aspects of poverty of which make you powerless. (UKCAP, 1997) argues that
choices available to you and opportunities defines poverty more than your
income. Because you can have large amounts of income, but a denial of rights and
equality can differentiate you between poverty and non-poverty.
This essay will discuss how
policy makers addressed poverty issues within the education system during the
1870 Fosters education act, The 1867 2nd Reform act and the 1902 Balfour
education act.
It will use theories from Karl
Marx, Emile Durkheim and Pierre Bourdieu to look at these policies from various
angles. And compare these policies to today’s contemporary ideas of which are
currently being implemented into the education system to address or further
widen the gap between poverty and the different classes.
The 1870 education act was a
policy implemented by the government to assure all children received at least
five years of compulsory education. The reason for doing this was due to
industrial development such as factories needing workers who had adequate
literacy and mathematical skills and an increase in the urban population in
Britain (Bartlett and Burton, 2016).
However, the working class
opposed to the government’s policy on compulsory education. If their children
had to attend school then the parents could no longer benefit from their
child’s services in the home and their contributions to the family budget, such
as house or farm work consequently reducing their income (Hurt, 1979). This
then ultimately widened the gap further by ‘making the poor poorer’.
It was not just the working
class who had discrepancies with this policy. The concerns amid the middle and
upper classes where that an educated working class will no longer obey their
superiors and be unsatisfied with their menial jobs (Bartlett and Burton, 2016)
causing a scare amongst the upper classes of a loss of dominance over the
working class and a fear of them becoming equals.
Marx argued that by the
government taking over the education board to fund free compulsory education,
the upper class would inevitably be reproducing their own structural
inequalities, such as the poverty gap, plutocracy and totalitarian. He believed
that state run schools would be used as superstructures to oppress the working
class by only teaching them menial skills and attributes such as labouring and
working ‘for’ the dominant class (Bailey, 2010). While the upper classes would
be taught how to manage and run the businesses.
Nevertheless, policy makers
continue to broaden the social class divide and increase poverty in education.
(Grammatical error; Schools, 2016) reports that the modern-day government are
supporting new grammar schools to be built within Britain.
This pushes out a meritocratic
apparition of social mobility. (Gorard & Nadia Siddiqui, 2018) cite that by
clustering the advantages of the upper class into grammar schools has a
probable dangerous effect on society, such as affecting children’s social
skills, attitudes and developing a lack of democracy in generations to come. As
well as the problems discussed in Marx’s theory.
(Tawney, 1931) argues that the
social class issue can be found throughout the education system, yet it is
denied and not ever conversed. Pupils achieve better grades in grammar schools
than in comprehensive schools, and students who do not attend grammar school
achieve worse than they would if grammar schools did not exist (Orford, 2018). Reasons
being, that these schools attract the more qualified and experienced teachers
and educators, fixing failure into the working class by putting them into
devalued educational spaces away from the upper class, to allow them to
monopolise mobility (Raey, 2006) and leave the working class behind.
Reintroducing selection into
education would do little to improve the diversity of the future. However,
although both policies argue to be meritocratic in some form or another, it is
evident that Marx’s view of social reproduction and control of the means of
production by the elite does not efficiently address the impact of poverty on
education.
Significant political changes
had happened in Britain during 1867 and the working-class men were now given
the right to vote (Bartlett and Burton, 2016) so it was imperative to ensure
that they were educated enough to understand what they were voting for.
However, this policy was a way
of reproducing inequality. (Hurt, 1979) cites that what seemed to be a
democratic nature by the school boards, the genesis aroused to find that this
was a way of influencing the working-class vote, by educating them only on how
to vote for the conservatives and educating them only what they wanted them to understand
and vote for (Bartlett and Burton, 2016). Therefore, grooming them for their
own gains and using a policy of democratic falsehood to disguise it.
Both Durkheim and Weber’s
theories are similar to liberal principles and the apprehension and belief in
individuals actively participating in social life. They both believe that
democracy is the best way to promote individual freedom (Prager, 1981).
(Giddens, 1972) refers to
Durkheim’s views that society can only survive if there is homogeneity between
everyone. Education plays a key role in enforcing this by fixing it into a
child’s mind from the early life. Such as, influencing them on who they should
vote for.
It does this by implementing
essential similarities from social life demands into school life. For example,
teaching specific skills like rule following, self-control and boundaries.
(Durkheim, 2012) believed that by being in a school environment, children will
learn more widespread knowledge than they would in a family environment.
Meaning that by putting the
working class into compulsory education from an early age, they would have more
power over them and be able to guide and influence them to some degree. And
Weber’s theories had more of a concern over formal structures of rule and power
which resembled this democratic uncertainty (Thomas, 1984).
In 2011 a policy was put into
place by the local authority called ‘pupil premium’ This was a modern-day
attempt at abolishing this power and gaining more equality within the education
system by giving the ‘poorer’ pupils funding so that they gain an equal
schooling experience to the middle and upper-class pupils.
The money is to be spent by
the school to improve the attainment of the eligible child (Tickle, 2016) and
close the gap made by poverty.
Yet, pupils eligible for pupil
premium are not on the lowest household income in the schools and are not the
most educationally disadvantaged. There are lots of children living on the
poverty line who are not eligible for pupil premium because they do not qualify
for free school meals. Because, it is attached to benefits and does not
consider income (Allen, 2018), whereas if a family is ‘working poor’ they are
not eligible for either the free school meals nor the pupil premium. So, the
‘poorest’ pupils still suffer the most.
The 1902 education act
established secondary and grammar schools. It also developed a system for free
places and funded scholarships for a select few ‘poor’ children to attend
grammar school (Simon, 1965).
This new policy abolished the
school boards and brought in ‘local education authorities’ (LEA’s) which gave
the government complete authority over education through local councils and
created a unified national system of education. Prior to this, school boards
where elected democratically by local people.
Although the working class now
had access to secondary schools and funded scholarships at grammar schools,
this did not mean that they would always ‘fit in’ and be accepted equally by
the dominant class. A majority of the time they would feel, as (Reay, Crozier
and Clayton, 2009) cites “like a fish out of water” within the upper-class
institutions.
This argument is similar to
Bourdieu’s ‘Habitus’ theory that the way that we perceive the social world of
which we are in are shared by people with the same background. For example, we
are fixed on how to act according to our world around us, but if we are not
from that background on the social structure. The way to act, speak and dress
for instance, is not already set on our minds and we must then change to fit
in.
(Bourdieu and Passeron, 1977)
suggested that education reproduces society by passing on cultural values,
Bourdieu’s economic capital meant that the working-class pupils need the
material goods such as uniforms, internet access and technology that the
dominant classes acquire, in order to compete for their educational success.
Without these necessities’
pupils can struggle to achieve. In contemporary Britain, a majority of
student’s homework requires internet access whether it be to research or to use
the school’s website and apps to complete it online (Branam, 2017). This is
otherwise known as ‘the digital divide’.
Another example of ‘the
digital divide’ is Schools using text messages as a means of contacting and
informing parents, this is on the assumption that all parents have a mobile
phone. And if this is the case, then that child can be left out of learning activities
and educational events because the parent was un aware from not being able to
receive the text message.
(Bourdieu, 1990) sees
meritocracy as an allegory and pupils are directed to trust that failure and
success is based on quality and excellence, nevertheless, it appears to be our
class background which governs what we achieve and how well we do in education.
Meaning that our motivation, intelligence and ideas have less of an effect on
our grades and life success than our class background does.
Successive governments and educationalists through history have attempted to put policies into place to address the impacts of poverty and provide an equal education for all, but as we can see, with the middle and upper classes still at an advantage despite various attempts through history and the present day, it seems incomprehensible to close the gap on such a deep routed issue.
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